Music, Coptic

              (CE:1715a-1747b)
MUSIC, COPTIC. [This entry consists of the following articles:

Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice
Canticles
Oral Tradition
Melody, Its Relation to Different Languages
History
Cantors
Musical Instruments
Musicologists
Transcriptions in Western Notation
Nonliturgical Music]

Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice

The following remarks pertain only to the music of the Coptic Orthodox Church. Other Christian churches in Egypt (Greek Orthodox, Coptic Catholic, Protestant, etc.) have their own musical practices.

Coptic music, an expression of a proud and constant faith, still lives today among the Copts as a vestige of an age-old tradition. It is
monodic, vocal, and sung a cappella solely by men, with the exception of some responses assigned to the whole congregation. Small hand cymbols and the triangle are employed with specified pieces during certain services (See Musical Instruments, below).

The Divine Liturgy and Offerings of Incense

The core of Coptic music lies in the Divine Liturgy (Arabic: quddas), whose texts are all meant to be sung, excepting the Creed and the Dismissal. In the liturgy the most familiar hymns and chants are heard. It is basically a great music drama, consisting of three parts: (1) the Preparation; (2) the Liturgy of the Word, also called the Liturgy of the Catechumens, which comprises the PRAYER OF
THANKSGIVING, the scriptural readings, various intercessions and responses, the recitation of the Creed, and the Prayer of Peace; and (3) the anaphora, that is, the eucharistic ritual (see EUCHARIST). The entire service may require some three hours of singing, and during Holy Week, the special services may last six or seven hours.

Three liturgies (see History, below) have been established in the Coptic church: (1) the Liturgy of Saint Basil is celebrated throughout the year except for the four major feasts of Nativity, Epiphany, Resurrection, and Pentecost; also, it is used daily in the monasteries whether there is a fast day or not; (2) the Liturgy of Saint Gregory is used today in the celebration of the four major feasts mentioned above; its music is somewhat more ornate than that of the Liturgy of St. Basil and has been characterized as the most beautiful because of its high emotion; and (3) the Liturgy of Saint Cyril, also known as the Liturgy of Saint Mark, the most Egyptian
of the three.

Unfortunately, most of the melodies of the Liturgy of Saint Cyril have been lost, and it can no longer be performed in its entirety. The most recent record of its performance is that of Patriarch MACARIUS III (1942-1945), who used it regularly. Immediately
thereafter, there may have been a few priests in Upper Egypt who remembered his manner of celebrating the anaphora. Abuna Pachomius al-Muharraqi, vice-rector of the CLERICAL COLLEGE, also performed it on various occasions. According to BURMESTER, only two chants have survived: the conclusion of the Commemoration of the Saints (“Not that we are worthy, Master . . .”), and an extract from the Commemoration of the Faithful Departed (“And these and everyone, Lord . . .”).

The celebration of the liturgy is preceded by two special services unique to the Coptic church, of which one is observed in the morning just before the liturgy and the other the previous evening. They are known as the Morning (or Evening) Offering of Incense
(Arabic: Raf‘ Bukhur Bakir and Raf‘ Bukhur ‘Ashiyyah). Today, in actual practice, the Morning Offering of Incense is often incorporated into the liturgy itself. Like the liturgy, these two services are cantillated. They include the well-known Hymn of the Angels (Coptic: marenhwc nem niaggeloc . . . , marenhos nem niangelos, “Let us sing praises with the angels . . .”), the Prayer of
Thanksgiving, (Coptic: marensephmot . . . , marenshep(e)hmot . . . ), various prayers and responses, and other preanaphoral
material.

The texts and rubrics for the three liturgies and the Offering of Incense are to be found in the EUCHOLOGION (Arabic: al-khulaji),
which prescribes the order of the various prayers, hymns, lections, versicles, biddings, and responses. Today these are sung in
Greco-Coptic, Coptic, and Arabic. The texts are written in the Bohairic dialect (in Upper Egypt the Sahidic dialect may be heard),
and are accompanied by a line-by-line translation in Arabic, with the rubrics all being in Arabic as well. The last section of the
Euchologion contains the texts of many chants and hymns proper to the various liturgical seasons.

The participants in the celebration of the liturgy and Offering of Incense are:

1. The officiant, that is, the priest (Arabic: al-Kahin), and/or other high members of the clergy who happen to be present and wish to participate. It is the role of the officiant to offer the prayers (Arabic: awshiyyah, pl. awashi), which may be recited silently or sung aloud, according to the traditional melodies adjusted to the festal and seasonal requirements. These prayers are constructed on recurring psalmodic formulas, some beginning with simple, unadorned statements, and others having an extended melisma from the outset. Since they become more and more elaborate as they continue, and conclude with a formula comprised of the richest of
melismata, they may be rather lengthy. They are intoned in free rhythm that generally follows the textual accents and meters.

2. The DEACON (Arabic: al-shammas) whose duties include relaying the biddings (Arabic: al-ubrusat, from Greco-Coptic: proceu,/, derived from Greek , proseuxh&, proseukhe) of the officiant, reading the lessons, and leading the set responses and singing of the congregational hymns. Like the officiant, he cantillates in free rhythm, and his melodic line may be both rhapsodic and/or chanting. His melodies are generally more rhythmic than those of the officiant, with duple and triple metres alternating according to the textual accents. Vocalises and melismata are common, but they in no way change the basic structure of the melody.

Because the melodies of the officiant and deacon are rendered solo, there is greater opportunity here for improvisation and vocal
embellishment than in the choir pieces.

3. The choir and/or people (Arabic: al-sha‘b) sing certain responses (Arabic: maraddat) and portions of the hymns. In the early centuries, these sections were assigned to the people as a whole, but as the liturgy developed, they became so complicated
that those who were not musically inclined could not sing them. Thus the choir of deacons, trained in singing, replaced the congregation. In the larger congregations this choir may number about twelve. The deacons involved stand by the iconostasis at right angles to the sanctuary in two lines facing each other, with one line known as the bahri (“northern”), and the other as the qibli
(“southern”). According to the rubrication of “B” or “Q” marked in the margin of the text, the choir may sing antiphonally, strophe
about, or two strophes about. The singers alternate according to the form of the musical phrase. They may also sing in unison.

Among many familiar choir pieces, three may be cited: (1) the hymn “We worship the Father . . .” (Coptic: tenouwst mviwt, tenouosht(e)m(e)phiot), which is sung Wednesday through Saturday at the beginning of the Morning Offering of Incense; (2) the
TRISAGION (“Holy God! Holy and Mighty! Holy and Immortal! . . .”; Greco-Coptic: agioc o yeoc: agioc ic,uroc: agioc ayanatoc . . . , agios o theos: agios isshyros: agios athanatos . . . ), which, according to legend, comes from a hymn sung by Nicodemus and Joseph at the Lord’s entombment; and (3) the LORD’S PRAYER (Coptic: je peniwt . . . , je peniot . . . ), which is chanted on one note.

The melodies for the people and/or choir are quite simple, with little embellishment. However, certain hymns are complicated by some rudimentary, rhythmic ornamentation integral to the composition.

As has been stated, this choral singing is monodic, and should any harmonic elements appear, they are only occasional overlappings of the incipits of one part with the finalis of another. Also, the unison chant may not always be perfect, for some singers, wishing to participate in the acts of praise but not having good musical ears, do not listen to each other. Such lack of precision may be rather prevalent today, for in many churches the people, led and supported by the choir of deacons, are again actively rendering the
hymns and responses, once again fulfilling the role originally assigned to them. A very wide vibrato characterizes all the singing.

Although the melodies of the participants are distinctive, as described above, there are many traits common to all. One of the most obvious characteristics of Coptic music, and one that probably derives from ancient times, is the prolongation of a single vowel over many phrases of music that vary in length and complication. This phenomenon may take two forms identified by scholars as vocalise, when the vowel is prolonged with a definite rhythmic pulse, and melisma (pl. melismata), when the vowel is prolonged in a free, undefined rhythm. A melisma generally lasts from ten to twenty seconds, but some vocalises may continue for a full minute. Because of these many vocalises and melismata, a study of the text alone does not always indicate the form of the music.

The music may further show its independence from the text in that musical and textual phrases do not always correspond. For example, in the Liturgy of Saint Basil, there is considerable enjambment in the solos of the priest and in the hymns sung preceding the anaphora; in some hymns a musical cadence may occur even in the middle of a word (“Judas, Judas,” heard during Holy Week on Maundy Thursday, is a case in point). In addition, the music may distort the stress and length of the syllables, especially if the text being sung is Greek.

Other traits are also prevalent. Melodies tend to proceed diatonically, usually within a range of five tones, with a characteristic progression of a half-step, whole step, and half-step, both descending and ascending. There may be intervals of thirds in the melodic line, although the distinction between the major and minor third is not always recognized as clearly as in Western music;
the augmented second is rare; the diminished fourth occurs rather often. Throughout, there are numerous microtones, and, therefore, many intervals can never be accurately reproduced on a keyboard instrument. Indeed, by means of these microtones, the implied tonal centre of a given tune may shift imperceptibly, sometimes by as much as a minor third or more.

Many scholars have felt that Coptic melodies seem to unfold in spontaneous and endless improvisation. However, analyses reveal
that this music has been constructed according to definite forms, three of which may be described. (1) Some songs are made up of
various brief phrases, which are woven together so as to form clearly identifiable sections (usually three or four) and repeated with
slight variation; the piece ends with a prescribed cadential formula. Concerning these compositions, Newlandsmith (see Musicologists,
below) isolated ten musical phrases which he termed “typical.” The extended vocalises and melismata described above are found most often in this kind of piece. (2) Other melodies are composed of longer, individual phrases, complete in themselves, so that one or two such phrases, repeated as strophes and/or refrains, are sufficient for the construction of an entire hymn. (3) Some songs are made up of melodic line and rhythm that are simplified to fit the inflection and rhythm of the text. Such melodies tend to be syllabic and often have an ambitus of only two or three tones.

Some important terms, which appear in liturgical books and manuscripts to specify the music to be sung with a given text, are the Coptic /,oc, adopted from Greek h=xov (echos); the Coptic bohem (Bohem) or ouohem (ouohem), meaning “response”; and the Arabic LAHN (pl. alhan). Ibn Birri (1106-1187), as quoted in Lisān al-‘Arab (compiled by Ibn Manzur, 1232-1311), assigned to lahn six meanings, among which are “song,” and “psalmodizing” or “intoning.” Western scholars have translated lahn as “tone,” “air,” and/or “melody,” but none of these words conveys its full meaning. Although the term may have some affinities with the Arabic maqam and the Byzantine echos, in Coptic music it refers basically to a certain melody or melody-type which is readily recognized by the people and known by a specific, often descriptive name, such as lahn al-huzn (“... of grief”), lahn al-farah (“... of Joy”), lahn al-tajniz (“... for the dead”), al-lahn al-ma‘ruf (“familiar”), etc. Writing in the fourteenth century, IBN KABAR named some twenty-six alhan, most of which are still known today. Some, designated sanawiyyah (annual), are sung throughout the year, whereas others may be reserved for one occasion only. The same text may be sung to different alhan, and conversely, the same lahn may have different
texts. Furthermore, the same lahn may have three forms: short (qasir), abridged (mukhtasar), and long (tawil). Among many beautiful alhan, the sorrowful lahn Idribi may be cited as one of the most eloquent. Performed on Good Friday, during the Sixth Hour, it expresses vividly the tragedy of the Crucifixion. Its text being the Psalm versicle preceding the Gospel lection, it is also called Mazmur Idribi (Psalm Idribi). This name may derive from the ancient village Atribi, which once stood near present-day Suhaj, or it may stem from Coptic eterh/bi (one causing grief). Another lahn whose name shows the antiquity of its music is Lahn Sinjari, named after SINJAR, an ancient village near Rosetta.

The two melody types most frequently named are Adam and Batos (Arabic: ADAM and WATUS). Hymns labeled Adam are to be sung Sunday through Tuesday, and also on certain specified days, while hymns labeled Batos are reserved for Wednesday through Saturday, for the evening service, and for Holy Week. The two names derive from the Theotokia for Kiyahk (see below), in which
Adam is the first word of the Theotokia for Monday, adam ediefoi: nem kahnh/t . . . [sic] (Adam ediefoi : nem kahnhet . . . , “When Adam became of contrite spirit . . . “), and Batos is the first word of the Theotokia for Thursday, pibatoc eta mwuc/c: nau erof . . . (pibatos eta mouses : nau erof . . . , “The bush which Moses saw . . .”). Although they are distinct from each other in verse structure, length, and mood, their music differs little in contemporary practice, and both may be heard in the same service.

The foregoing descriptions of the music and terminology used in the services of the Divine Liturgy and Offering of Incense also apply
to the rest of the corpus, discussed below.

The Canonical Hours

A great wealth of Coptic hymnology may be heard in the canonical hours, which are prayers performed by lay people in the city churches and by monks in the monasteries. There are seven: First Hour, or Morning Prayer; Third Hour; Sixth Hour; Ninth Hour;
Eleventh Hour, or Hour of Sunset; Hour of Sleep, with its three Nocturns; and Midnight Hour. In the monasteries, the Prayer of the
Veil (Arabic: salat al-sitar) is added. The book containing these prayers is the Book of the Hours or HOROLOGION (Coptic: piajpia, piajpia, from ajp, ajp, “Hour”; Arabic: al-ajbiyyah, or salawat al-sawa‘i).

The canonical hours consist of the reading of the Psalms assigned for each hour, followed by the cantillation of the Gospel, two short hymns written in strophic form, known as troparia (Greek: , tropa&rion, pl. , tropa&ria), plus two more troparia called Theotokia, which are an invocation to the Virgin Mary (see below). The troparia and Theotokia are separated from one another by the Lesser Doxology, which is also cantillated. Then follow the Kyrie, the Prayer of Absolution, and throughout, responses to each part. Although troparia and Theotokia are also heard in the canonical offices of the Greek Orthodox church, their order of performance is different from that of the Copts. The Greek and Coptic melodies differ as well.

Since the hours are not dependent on priestly direction, in the towns and cities, the musical parts of each hour are led by the cantor
(see Cantors, below). Formerly, in the monasteries, the monks, not being musically educated, could not intone the hours; moreover,
during the early years of their development, the monastic communities rejected singing and chanting as not conducive to the reverence and piety required of their strict discipline. Today, however, many of the monks are former deacons well acquainted with the melodies of the church rites, and they cantillate the hymnic portions of the hours as prescribed. In general, the hours are in Arabic only, but in some monasteries, the monks are beginning to recite them in Coptic.

The Service of Psalmodia

In addition to the canonical hours, there is a special choral service known as Psalmodia (Greek: Yalmwdi&a, Psalmodia Arabic: al-absalmudiyyah or al-tasbihah) (see PSALMODIA), which is performed immediately before the Evening Offering of Incense, at the conclusion of the Prayers of the Midnight Hour, and between the Office of Morning Prayer and the Morning Offering of Incense. In
the monasteries, Psalmodia is performed daily, but in the city churches, it has become customary to perform it only on Sunday eve, that is, Saturday night.

The texts and order of the prayers, the hymns, and the lections are to be found in the book, al-Absalmudiyyah al-Sanawiyyah. Also,
a special book, al-Absalmudiyyah al-Kiyahkiyyah, contains the hymns to be sung for Advent, that is, during the month of Kiyahk. In
both books, the basic hymn forms of this service are given as follows:

1. The hos (Coptic: hwc, derived from Egyptian h-s-j, “to sing, to praise,” (Arabic: hus, pl. husat) are four special songs of praise.
Burmester refers to them as odes. They comprise two biblical canticles (see Canticles, below) from the Old Testament (Hos One
and Hos Three) and two Psalm selections (Hos Two and Hos Four). They are strophic, with their strophes following the versification
given in the Coptic biblical text. Unrhymed, they are sung to a definite rhythmic pattern, in duple meter. They are Hos One, Song of Moses (Ex. 15:1-21, Coptic: tote afhwc . . . , tote afhos . . . , “Then sang Moses . . . “); Hos Two, Psalm 136 (Coptic: ouwnh ebol . . . , ouonh evol . . . , “Give thanks unto the Lord,”) with an Alleluia refrain in each strophe; Hos Three, the Song of the Three Holy Children (Apocrypha, Dn. 1-67; Coptic kcmarwout . . . , (e)k(e)smaroout . . . , “Blessed art Thou, O Lord”), and Hos Four, Psalm 148 (Coptic: cmou ep[c ebol . . . (e)smou epchois evol . . . ), Psalm 149 (Coptic: jw mp[c . . . go (e)m(e)pchois . . . ), and Psalm 150 (Coptic: cmou ev]. . . (e)smou e(e)phnouti . . . ); all three Psalms of Hos Four may be translated as “Praise ye the Lord . . . .” In addition, two other hos are sung for the feasts of Nativity and Resurrection, each consisting of a cento of Psalm verses.

Deriving from the ancient synagogal rites, the hos are very old. Indeed, according to Anton BAUMSTARK, Hos One and Hos Three were the first canticles to be used in the Christian liturgy. A fragment of papyrus, brought from the Fayyum by W. A. F. PETRIE, published by W. E. CRUM, and identified as a leaf from an ancient Egyptian office book, contains pieces of these two hymns. Further, part of the Greek text of Hos Three has been found on an ostracon dating probably from the fifth century. From Hos Three has grown the canticle known in the West as Benedicite. Descriptions of the four hos dating from the fourteenth century, early twentieth century, and mid-twentieth century all concur, a fact that confirms the unchanged tradition of their usage. Each hos is framed by its proper PSALI, LOBSH, and TARH (see below).

2. The Theotokia: As mentioned above, the Theotokia are hymns dedicated to the Virgin Mary. There is one set for each day of the
week, with each set presenting one aspect of Old Testament typology as it applies to Mary, the Mother of God (Greek: h9 qeoto&kov, he theotokos). The Theotokia for Saturday, Monday, and Thursday have nine sets of hymns each; those for Tuesday,
Wednesday, and Friday have seven; the Sunday Theotokia (performed Saturday night) has eighteen. The strophes for all the sets of these seven Theotokia are nonrhyming quatrains, whose textual accents prescribe the rhythmic and melodic formulae. Each
set has a common refrain of one to three strophes that acts as a link to unite the set. Along with each Theotokia, there are interpolations, which enlarge upon the text (Coptic: bwl, Bol; Greek: e9rmhnei&a, hermenea, “interpretation”), and every set ends with a paraphrase called lobsh (see below). In actual practice, not all the sets of hymns in a Theotokia are performed in a single Psalmodia service because one hymn may suffice to represent the complete set.

There is a special collection of Theotokia meant to be performed only during the month of Kiyahk for Advent. De Lacy O’Leary has
determined that although many of their texts resemble those of the Greek Orthodox church—especially those Greek hymns attributed to Saint John Damascene and Arsenius the Monk, (see ARSENIUS OF SCETIS AND TURAH, SAINT)—the Coptic Theotokia are not translations, but, rather, original poems composed on the Greek model. De Lacy O’Leary’s translation and editions of the Theotokia for Kiyahk provide ample material for analyzing the texts and comparing manuscripts. A succinct summary of their contents has been outlined by both Martha Roy and Ilona Borsai (see Musicologists, below). As was mentioned above, two of these
Theotokia have given their names to the melody types most commonly used throughout the liturgy and offices, namely, Adam and Batos.

Legend attributes the texts of the Theotokia to both Saint Athanasius (See ATHANASIUS I, APOSTOLIC SAINT) and Saint EPHRAEM SYRUS while ascribing the melodies to a saintly and virtuous man, a potter by trade, who became a monk in the desert of
Scetis. Euringer has identified him as Simeon the Potter of Geshir (a village in the land of Antioch); he is also known as a poet and
protégé of the hymnist, Jacob of Sarugh, who died in 521. This date indicates that the Coptic Theotokia were composed in the early part of the sixth century.

Mallon, however, asserts that these works are of neither the same author nor the same period. He would date them no earlier than the fifth century, but before the Arab conquest of Egypt (642- 643). In the fourteenth century, Abu al-Barakat wrote that the Theotokia for Kiyakh were not used in Upper Egypt, but were passed around among the churches of Misr, Cairo, and the northern
part of the country.

3. The lobsh (Coptic: lwbs, lobsh, “crown,” “consummation”; Arabic: lubsh and/or tafsir, pl. TAFASIR, “explanation, interpretation”) immediately follows a hos or a Theotokia; it is a nonbiblical text on a biblical theme. In hymn form, consisting of four-line strophes and usually unrhymed, the lobsh is recited rather than sung. However, its title designates the appropriate lahn, either Adam or Batos, which would seem to indicate that at one time it was sung.

4. The Psalis (Coptic: 'ali, Psali; Arabic: ABSALIYYAH, or madih, pl. mada’ih, “praise, laudation”) are metrical hymns that accompany either a Theotokia or hos. Muyser and YASSA ‘ABD AL-MASIH have published detailed editions of certain Psalis, using manuscripts dating from the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries. Their articles serve to demonstrate the high level of technique in handling Coptic rhymes and rhythms attained by Psali authors. Every Psali has from twenty-six to forty-six strophes, each of which is a rhymed quatrain; the rhyming schemes may vary. The strophes are often arranged in acrostic order according to the Coptic or Greek
alphabet by the first letter of each strophe. Some are even in double acrostic, and others in reverse acrostic. Such patterns serve as mnemonic devices, enabling the singers to perform the hymns in their entirety with no omissions.

One feature which makes the Psalis very popular is the refrain, an element rarely found in the ritual pieces of the liturgies and
canonical hours, or in the hos and Theotokia of the service of Psalmodia. Usually the refrain is made by repeating only the fourth
line of the strophe, but sometimes both the third and fourth lines are repeated.

Another unusual aspect of the Psalis is that, except for a few paraphrases reserved for Kiyahk, these are the only pieces of Coptic
music whose authors are identified in the texts. The writer’s name may be found embedded in a strophe, with a plea for mercy and
pardon from sin, and with mention of him as “the poor servant” or “a poor sinner.” In the paraphrases, the author’s name may be given in acrostic form as the first letter of each strophe of the hymn, or as the initial letter of each of a set of hymns arranged seriatim.

Most Psalis are to be sung either to the melody-type Adam or Batos, depending on the day of the week, and are thus designated as
Psali Adam or Psali Batos. However, certain ones specify the title of another familiar Psali or hymn to whose melody they may be sung. These melodies are rhythmic and syllabic, that is, the notes match the texts with little trace of melisma or improvisation; their range usually covers four, or at most, five tones; they swing along in quasi-parlando style, and emphasis on textual and melodic accents makes them easy to sing, all of which encourages congregational participation. The very simplicity of these hymns leads the listener to speculate that herein lies the oldest core of ancient Egyptian melody.

A few Psalis are written in both Coptic and Greek, some in both Coptic and Arabic, and others in Arabic alone. Only one manuscript
entirely in Greek has been discovered (Church of Saint Barbara, Old Cairo, History 8, 1385). Most Psalis, however, are in the Bohairic dialect, and the date of their composition is unknown. It is probable that some are no earlier than the thirteenth century. On the other hand, certain Psalis in the Sahidic dialect have been assigned to the ninth and tenth centuries (Morgan Collection, vol. XIII). These latter are in acrostic order, according to the letters of the alphabet, and they are unrhymed.

5. The TARH (pl. turuhat) usually denotes a paraphrase used to explain a preceding hos, Theotokia, or Gospel reading. It differs
from the lobsh or psali in that it is introduced with two unrhymed strophes in Coptic, which are followed by an Arabic prose text. In
general, it is recited, not sung. Sometimes the same hymn is termed both Psali (Coptic) and tarh (Arabic), but, technically speaking, it
may be considered a tarh when it follows the Coptic hymn of the Gospel lections. A tarh dating from the ninth century has been edited by Maria CRAMER. Written in Sahidic for Palm Sunday, it was supposed to be sung. Abu al-Barakat referred to the tarh as a
hymn, which further testifies to its once musical character.

6. The doxologies are hymns of praise sung during the service of Psalmodia in honor of the season, the Virgin Mary, the angels, the
apostles, the saint of a particular church, or other Coptic saints, as time may allow. Their texts are similar in structure to those of the
Psali and tarh, having short strophes of four lines each and concluding with the last strophe of the Theotokia for the day. ‘Abd al-Masih has published detailed studies of the doxologies.

In addition to the foregoing, other special hymns are sung by the Copts in commemoration of their saints and martyrs. These are to be found in the DIFNAR or Antiphonarium (Greek: a0ntifwna&rion, antiphonárion, from a0ntifwne&w, antiphonéo, “to answer, to reply”), a book containing biographies of the Coptic saints written in hymnic form. This volume also includes hymns for the fasts and
feasts. The texts are arranged in strophes of rhymed quatrains, and two hymns are given for the same saint, their use being dependent on the day of the week, that is, one for the days of Adam, and another for the days of Batos. Because these hymns are quite long, only two or three strophes may be sung during the service of Psalmodia to commemorate the saint of the day. Further, if the SYNAXARION is read as a commemoration, the singing of the difnar hymn may be omitted completely.

The compilation of the difnar is ascribed to the seventieth patriarch, GABRIEL II (1131-1145). However, the oldest known manuscript with difnar material dates from 893 (Morgan Library, New York, manuscript 575). Another unpublished difnar from the
fourteenth century, found in the library of the Monastery of St. Antony (see DAYR ANBA ANTUNIYUS), has been described by A. Piankoff and photographed by T. Whittemore.

Mention should also be made of the numerous ritual books that contain further repertoire to be sung for particular liturgical occasions such as the rite of holy BAPTISM and the rite for MATRIMONY. Each of these many rituals has its own book detailing the specifics of the rite, which of course include the use of music. Other rituals with their special books containing hymns for the specific occasions are those for the feasts and fasts of the liturgical calendar, such as the ritual for the feast of the Nativity, for the feast of Epiphany, for the feast of the Resurrection, for the feast of Pentecost, for the fast of Holy Week, the fast of the Virgin Mary, and others too numerous to mention here (see FEASTS, MAJOR; FEASTS, MINOR; FASTING).

There is one other book very important in the description of the corpus, The Services of the Deacon (Arabic: Khidmat al-Shammas),
which was assembled by Abuna Takla and first published in 1859. This work was compiled from the various books and collections of
hymns already in existence in order to assist the deacon, who, along with the cantor, has the responsibility for the proper selection and order of the hymns and responses for each liturgy and office. This book outlines the hymns and responses in Coptic and Arabic for the liturgies and canonical offices throughout the year—according to the various seasons and the calendar of feasts and fasts—and for the various rites such as weddings, funerals, baptisms, and so on. Its rubrics are all in Arabic, but the hymns and responses are in both Coptic and Arabic. Musical terms are employed in directing the singers. The name of the lahn for each hymn and response is specified, and the rubric for the use of instruments (Arabic: bi-al-naqus, “with cymbals”) is also indicated where necessary. Since its first printing, The Services of the Deacon has appeared in four editions.

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARIAN ROBERTSON
MARTHA ROY
MARGIT TOTH

Canticles

In addition to the Psalms, some of the early Christian churches adopted into their system of canonical offices certain Old Testament
praises and prayers which are known today as canticles. The Coptic church recognizes twenty-one in all, eighteen from the Old
Testament and three from the New Testament. Two of the Old Testament canticles are also sung as hos during the office of Psalmodia (Hos One, the Song of Moses, and Hos Three the Song of the Three Holy Children. The three from the New Testament are embedded as Gospel lections in six of the hymns of the Sunday Theotokia for Kiyakh (see Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice above). These are: the Song of Mary (Lk. 1:46-55, known in the West as the Magnificat); the Song of Simeon (Lk. 2: 29-32, known as the Nunc Dimittis); and the Prayer of Zacharias (Lk. 2: 69-79, known as the Benedictus).

The full set of canticles is performed at the vigil service on the night of Good Friday (the eve of Saturday). For this service, the
officiant and his deacons are seated around a low table upon which are placed three lighted candles, and they read the Biblical prayers and hymns, each deacon taking his turn at reading one canticle. The Song of Moses and the Song of the Three Holy Children are performed in Coptic. All the rest are recited in Arabic. The full set includes:

OLD TESTAMENT (LXX)
1. Song of Moses (Ex. 15:1-21).
2. Second Song of Moses (Dt. 32:1-43).
3. Prayer of Hannah (I Sm. 2: 1-11).
4. Prayer of Habakkuk (Hb. 3:2-19).
5. Prayer of Jonah (Jon. 2: 2-10).
6. Prayer of Hezekiah (Is. 38: 10-20).

APOCRYPHA
7. Prayer of Manasses (Man. 1-15).

OLD TESTAMENT (LXX)
8. Prayer of Isaiah (1) (Is. 26: 9-20).
9. Praise of Isaiah (2) (Is. 25: 1-12).
10. Praise of Isaiah (3) (Is. 26: 1-9).
11. Praise of Jeremiah (Lam. 5:16-22).

APOCRYPHA
12. Praise of Baruch (Bar. 2:11-16).

OLD TESTAMENT (LXX)
13. Praise of Elijah (I Kgs. 18:26-39).
14. Prayer of David (II Kgs. 29:10-13).
15. Prayer of King Solomon (I Kgs. 8:22-30).
16. Prayer of Daniel (Dn. 9:4-19).
17. Vision of Daniel (Dn. 3:1-23).

APOCRYPHA
18. Song of the Three Holy Children (Dn. 1-67).

NEW TESTAMENT
19. Song of Mary (Lk. 1:46-55).
20. Song of Simeon (Lk. 2: 29-32).
21. Prayer of Zachariah (Lk. 1:68-79).

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARTHA ROY

The Oral Tradition

All the manuscripts discovered and books compiled to date record only texts and rubrics. There is no known notation now in existence designed specifically for Coptic music, though manuscripts bearing ancient Greek notation have been found in Egypt (see History, below). From the beginnings of the church, the music has passed from one person to another, from one generation to the next, by oral teaching and rote learning. Thus Coptic music has always depended on a continuous oral tradition.

Because the Copts have tended to be fiercely conservative about the many rituals of their religion, it is reasonable to suppose that
they must also have been meticulous in regard to the music. According to Hans Hickmann (see Musicologists, below), this music
was held as a sacred trust by those who learned it, and indeed, was purposely not transcribed lest it fall into the wrong hands. For the most part, the instruction must have been very strict and rigid, as it is today (see Cantors, below).

To study the reliability of this tradition, Marian Robertson has compared transcriptions of the same piece of music written decades
apart by different scholars. These studies indicate that the simpler melodies may have remained intact for centuries. Other comparisons of recordings made years apart at the Institute of Coptic Studies also show that the basic melodies have remained unchanged, and that even the embellishments, though varying slightly, occur in the same places throughout the melody in question. This is especially true for those compositions sung by the choir. In the case of solo performers, variation and improvisation are to be found, particularly in the embellishments and melismata, as may be expected.

In view of the abundance and complexity of Coptic music, one might well wonder if any mnemonic devices were used to aid in transmitting it. Hickmann maintained that a system of chironomy that dates from the Fourth Dynasty (2723-2563 B.C.) is still
employed. However, not all scholars have shared this opinion. Indeed, Ragheb Moftah, head of the Music Department at the
Institute of Coptic Studies, affirms that although a cantor may use his hands in directing other singers, his system is strictly individual
and not consciously adopted from anyone. The chironomic gestures used in Coptic singing seem to relate more to setting the rhythm
than to delineating the pitches of a given melody.

Scholars do not agree concerning the antiquity and purity of the Coptic musical tradition. Admittedly, without notated manuscripts, it is virtually impossible to unravel the sources of the many melodies. Nevertheless, specialists who have studied, transcribed, and analyzed this music concur that, at the very least, it does reflect an extremely ancient practice. Ernest Newlandsmith (see Musicologists, below) traced it to pharaonic Egypt, whereas Rene Menard, a bit more cautious, proposed that those melodies sung in Coptic descended from the pre-Islamic era. In all probability, various sections of the music, like the numerous texts, were introduced into the rites during different stages of the early Coptic church, and the music as a whole does not date from any single era or region. It is clear, however, that the musical tradition has continued unbroken from its beginnings to the present day. Hickmann considered it a living link between the past and the present.

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARIAN ROBERTSON
MARTHA ROY

Melody, Its Relation to Different Languages

The relation of various languages to Coptic melody is a study still in its infancy. Comparison of pieces sung interchangeably in
different languages could help identify the nature of change as well as indicate roughly the age of certain hymns whose texts have been identified in ancient manuscripts.

The titles and rubrics for many hymns designate various linguistic origins (for the texts at least), with most being noted as Rumi, that is, from Byzantium, or “the New Rome,” as it was once known. Burmester referred to a number of Greek troparia from the Byzantine offices which are also used in the Coptic office. Further, as has been mentioned, several Psalis show affinities to Greek (See Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice, above). Other hymns are designated as Beheiri, from northern Egypt, Sa‘idi, from southern Egypt, or Masri, from the central part of the country. Each region has its own distinctive dialect.

Initial investigations have revealed that when texts are sung interchangeably in different tongues, the melodies remain essentially
intact. For example, in the Easter hymn, “Remember me, O Lord” (performed on Good Friday during the Sixth Hour), which is sung
first in Coptic (aripameui w pa[c aripamevi o pachois) and then in Greek, (mnh&sqhti& mou ku&rie, mnésthetí mou kyrie) the music does not change with the language. Other examples could be cited.

Scholars have observed that, with the translation of the liturgies and numerous hymns into Arabic, those melodies put to an Arabic text have tended to become simpler, shorter, and less ornamented than the original Coptic version. Fear has been expressed that the Coptic melodies sung in Arabic may lose their genius and character, especially where extensive vocalise is concerned. However, the few studies made of pieces sung interchangeably in Coptic (or Greek) and Arabic seem to show that the basic melodic lines and rhythms are kept intact, and that even the ornamentation is maintained to a remarkable degree. The Easter song reserved for Maundy Thursday, “Judas, Judas . . .” (Greek: 0Iou&dav, 0Iou&dav . . . , Ioudas, Ioudas . . . ; Arabic: Yahudha, Yahudha . . . ) may be cited as an example. Nonetheless, conclusions must await much further comparison.

Other hymns written originally in Arabic (mada’ih) have been introduced into the liturgy in relatively recent times. Those well
acquainted with the age-old traditions aver that despite the popularity of the attractive melodies and rhythms of the mada’ih, these newer hymns contain little of theological or spiritual value.

Further, Copts now maintaining residence in foreign lands have begun to perform their liturgies in French, English, and German. Experts once again express fear that, with this trend, the unique style and flavor of the true Coptic melodies will be absorbed into new expressions unable to reflect their distinctive heritage. They feel that Coptic music must be sung in the Coptic language if it is to express the spirituality of the ancient church.

MARIAN ROBERTSON

History

Possible Sources and Antecedents
There are three primary traditions from which Coptic music very likely absorbed elements in varying proportions: the Jewish, the Greek, and the ancient Egyptian.

Possible Jewish Influence. Many aspects of the Jewish services were adopted by the Christian church in Egypt. As elsewhere in the
primitive church, the whole of the Old Testament was probably adopted, with the Psalter being the oldest and most venerated song
book. The ALLELUIA (Ps. 105-150) and Sanctus (Coptic: ,ouab ,ouab ,ouab . . . , (e)Khouab, (e)Khouab, (e)Khouab . . . , “Holy, Holy, Holy . . .”) (Is. 6:3) are two notable hymn texts that have become an integral part of the Coptic rites. According to John
Gillespie, the benediction, Baruh Ahtah Adonai (“Thanks be to Thee, O Lord”), was also adopted by the Copts. However, how much Jewish liturgical music came into the Coptic church, either from Jerusalem or Alexandria, must remain a matter of speculation at this point. To date, no specific melodies have been identified as belonging to both traditions. Hans Hickmann even postulated that
although the music from the synagogue played an important role in the development of the Syrian and Byzantine liturgies, in Egypt the case might have been reversed, that is, Jewish music in Egypt could itself have been influenced by the pagan Egyptian liturgies.

Possible Greek Influence. The Greek koiné (koinh&), which was the lingua franca of the eastern Mediterranean, became the language of the primitive Christian church. The Hellenized centers of Egypt— Alexandria in particular—produced notable Greco-Egyptian music theorists and teachers such as the grammarian Didymus of Alexandria (first century A.D.), for whom the “Didymian Comma” (an interval between a major and minor tone) is named; Pseudo- Demetrius of Phaleron (first century A.D.), who wrote the first composition manual known in music history; Claudius Ptolemy (second century A.D.), whose Harmonics became the standard
mathematical treatise on music; Alypios of Alexandria (c. 360 A.D.), whose comprehensive survey of Greek notation made the
deciphering of Greek music possible; the poet-teacher DIOSCORUS OF APHRODITO (fourth century); the Gnostic VALENTINUS (fourth century); and Proclus (421-485).

Two manuscripts containing early Greek musical notation have been found in Egypt. The first one is pre-Christian; it dates from about the middle of the third century B.C. and is one of the most ancient pieces of musical notation yet discovered (Zenon, Cairo
Museum, no. 59532). The second is a hymn fragment dating from the middle of the third century A.D. (from the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1786, ed. Grenfell and Hunt). Recognized as the earliest example of notated Christian hymnody, it was probably once part of the Coptic repertoire, although it is not known to the church today. A study of these two manuscripts, as they have been transcribed by modern scholars, shows that both contain an ambitus and intervals much larger than those normally heard in Coptic music; nor are the interval progressions similar. However, there may be some cadential likenesses. Another manuscript discovered in Egypt is a hymn fragment, Hymn of the Savior, ascribed to CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, (c. 150-220) which, however, may date from an earlier period. Only the text is given. Three more papyri from Egypt, edited by Jourdan-Hemmerdinger, contain a system of dots related to letters of the text, which may perhaps indicate a type of musical notation. Two of these date from the third century B.C., but one of them (British Museum, Inv. 230), found in the Fayyum and dating from the third or fourth century A.D., appears to be from a Psalter written in Greek. None of these has yet been deciphered into musical form. One other manuscript of Egyptian provenance, dating from the fifth or sixth century A.D., is controversial. Covered with circles of varied sizes and colors, it was considered by A. Gulezyan of New York to represent musical notation, which he transcribed into Western notation and subsequently published. Jourdan- Hemmerdinger, viewing it as a possible development from the system of dots, has tentatively identified it as an elementary manual of practical music. Eric Werner and René Ménard, on the other hand, do not consider it to be any kind of musical notation.

Although it is obvious that many texts are common to both the Coptic and Greek Churches, it does not necessarily seem to follow
that the melodies have been held in common as well. For example, the great hymns The Only-Begotten (Greek: o9 monogenh&v, ho
monogenes) and the TRISAGION have the same text in both traditions, but the Greek and Coptic melodies for them are entirely
different. In view of this fact and other supporting observations, one might tentatively propose that both the melodic style and individual melodies of the Coptic church appear to have remained distinct. However, since the relation of Greek and Coptic music is a study still in its infancy, no comprehensive or definitive statement can be made about this problem at present.

Possible Egyptian Influence. Despite Greek influences in the urban centers, in the pharaonic temples and throughout the rural areas in general, ancient Egyptian music continued to be performed. “The people thought, felt, and sang “Egyptian’” (Hickmann, 1961, p. 17). Horudsha, a harpist, and ‘Ankh-hep, a temple musician and cymbal player (both first century A.D.), are two professionals whose
names indicate their Egyptian roots.

Hickmann proposed a connection between the Kyrie and the ancient Egyptian rites of the sun-god, and according to Baumstark, a
litanic form of the Isis prayer is found in the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1380; even the invocations of the saints in the Roman formulary are closely related to this ancient cult. In the Songs of Isis and Nephthys (Middle Kingdom texts, trans. both Faulkner and Schott), evidence exists of antiphonal singing, which still remains today as a basic feature of Coptic music (see ANTIPHON and Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice, above). This practice was also known among the Therapeutae, an ascetic sect of Alexandria (c. 100 B.C.). Another Coptic musical characteristic that might have existed in pharaonic Egypt is the vocalise and/or melisma (see Description of the Corpus, above). After research into Middle Kingdom texts, Hickmann suggested that certain repeated syllables (transliterated by him as xe, xe, xe. . . , khe, khe, khe, . . . ) might be interpreted as such. Further, some Gnostic texts contain vocalises said to be built on the seven “magic vowels.” Pseudo-Demetrius of Phaleron referred to this phenomenon as well, calling it “kalophony.” Other holdovers from ancient Egypt could be the use of professional blind singers in the performance of the liturgical services (see Cantors, below), and the use of percussion instruments in certain rituals (See Musical Instruments, below). Hickmann and Borsai felt that the folk songs of Egyptian villagers have melodies and rhythms similar to those of Coptic chant. Much more research needs to be done, however.

From the Beginning of the Church to the Council of Chalcedon (451 A.D.)

Like other Christian churches in the early centuries, the Coptic church was a national one. It used the musical style and perhaps even some melodies familiar to the people. According to Baumstark, the primitive liturgical texts were, for the most part, improvisations. The rites developed gradually, and varied from region to region. But there was throughout the church a common font of texts meant to be sung. The Coptic hos might possibly be assigned to this first period (See Description of the Corpus, above). De Lacy O’Leary, maintaining that the earliest hymns were composed in imitation of the Psalms, suggested that such works should be dated before the second half of the third century. In this regard, he cited three hymns from Coptic services that appear to have derived from the Syrian rite or “its Byzantine daughter,” the GLORIA IN EXCELSIS (Luke 2:14), the Trisagion, and the Prayer of Esaias (excerpts from Is. 8 and 9, not to be confused with the canticles; see Canticles, above). This last hymn is no longer found in recent Coptic liturgical books. For its part, the Coptic church probably influenced the rites of the Syrian church, for by 350, public observance of the daily office (the Third, Sixth, and Ninth Hours) had begun in Syria, and it is reasonable to suppose that the general plans of psalm chanting and lessons were suggested by the already existing monastic practices of Lower Egypt. However, the outline of the Coptic Horologion (see CANONICAL HOURS, BOOK OF) might not really have taken shape until the fifth century.

The Copts adopted Saint Paul’s classification of songs suitable for worship (Eph. 5:19 and Col. 3:16), Psalms (Greek: yalmoi&, psalmoí; Coptic: 'almoc, Psalmos), hymns (Greek: 9u&mnoi, hymnoi; Coptic: cmou, (e)smou), and spiritual songs (Greek: w0dai&, oda; Coptic: hwd/, hode). Some experts feel that these terms refer to the texts to be used, whereas others propose that they relate to the style of singing. According to Werner, the psalms, hymns, and canticles were established as three distinct forms in the fourth century.

As to the three divine liturgies, their texts must have been set in the fourth and fifth centuries, when the church at Alexandria played
a very active role throughout the Mediterranean. Although the authors of the liturgies came from Cappodocia, each had close ties with Egypt. Saint BASIL THE GREAT (c. 330-379) served an apprenticeship in a Pachomian monastery before introducing
monasticism into Byzantium; Saint GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS (c. 257-337) was a pupil of DIDYMUS THE BLIND in the renowned CATHECHETICAL SCHOOL OF ALEXANDRIA; and Saint CYRIL I THE GREAT (412-444), as patriarch of Alexandria, stood at the head of the Coptic church.

In these early centuries, the church expressed varying attitudes toward music. At its inception, the church used music as a means of attracting proselytes; an example is the story of Philemon, “the disciple of Saint Peter,” who is credited with converting many souls
by means of his beautiful singing.

The church fathers had various attitudes toward music. Clement of Alexandria (see above), did not approve of instruments, but
accepted singing. He did, nonetheless, seek to ban chromatic and nondiatonic scales from church music as being too voluptuous.
ORIGEN, (c. 185-254), that controversial figure in Coptic church history, attested the wide use of singing in many languages
throughout the church. Saint ATHANASIUS I (326-373), patriarch of Alexandria, sought to keep psalm singing from becoming
overelaborate; the Copts have ascribed to him the hymn The Only- Begotten (the Greek church ascribes it to the Emperor JUSTINIAN I, who is said to have written it in 528; the Syrian church ascribes it to SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH, c. 465-538). Saint Basil, the author of the liturgy bearing his name, defended the singing of psalms both antiphonally and responsorially, a practice popular in many lands including Egypt, Libya, Palestine, and Syria. According to De Lacy O’Leary, it was Saint Basil who introduced this more melodious, antiphonal type of singing into the Byzantine church to supplement an older, more severe style known as “Alexandrian.” Although this scholar describes the new style as “Syrian,” if one considers Saint Basil’s own remarks, the antiphonal style must have already been known in Egypt and elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean. Though not a church father, ARIUS (c. 250-336), author of the Arian heresy, should also be mentioned, for he versified his theology in a collection of hymns known as Thalia (Feast), composing them on models of popular folk songs in an effort to win the people to his cause.

In the monastic communities, attitudes toward music varied as well. PALLADIUS’ Lausiac History relates that in the days of Saint
ANTONY, “the habitations of the monks were accepted as tabernacles of praises, and Psalms, and hymns . . . ,” and it was expected that the monks “should pray continually and be ready [to sing] Psalms and [to recite] the Office before they went to sleep.” It is also told that when Saint Antony and Saint Paul met, “they said together the Psalms twelve times . . . , and then they sang and prayed until morning.” However, as the monasteries developed, the monks, in their extreme asceticism, condemned music. An anecdote from JOHN OF MAYUMA tells of Abbot SILVANUS (fourth century) who, as a monk first at Scetis, then at Sinai, and finally in Palestine, felt that singing hardened the heart, was a primary act of pride, and that as such, was not for the monks but rather for those outside the monasteries. Abbot PAMBO (c. 320-373) was another to deplore any use of music.

In these early centuries of Christianity, the influence of the Coptic church and its liturgical services was felt not only throughout the eastern Mediterranean, but beyond. Through the efforts of Coptic missionaries, who spread the Gospel even as far as Ireland, and through traces left by the Theban Legion in northern Italy, Switzerland, and down the Rhine Valley, remnants of the Coptic faith were left throughout western Europe. Music probably followed closely upon this trail. Stanley Lane-Poole, as quoted by Atiya, has called Irish Christianity “the child of the Egyptian Church” (Atiya, 1968, p. 54), and one is tempted to wonder if those early Coptic missionaries brought a bit of their own highly developed music with them to this distant land and left it along with their names. According to O’Curry, the famous Irish harp may have come from Egypt. In Ireland are found three representations of a harp without a forepillar. The first such items hitherto discovered outside of Egypt, they are an ornamental cover of an Irish manuscript dating from at least 1064; a drawing taken from one of the ornamental compartments of a sculptured cross at Monasterboice set up before
830; and a similar monument at the old church of Ullard, County Kilkenny, which appears to be even older than the Monasterboice
item. O’Curry also felt that the quadrangular harp of the ancient Tuathe Dé Danaan people, though not exactly the same, could have
been modeled upon the early Greco-Egyptian harp of this same form. How these harps were introduced into Ireland is unknown at
present.

As well as missionaries, Coptic monasteries influenced ritual in Europe. To cite one example, the established Coptic recitation of
twelve psalms was almost certainly the basis of the similar twelve-psalm series in the Gallic and Roman churches. As yet, no melodies have been discovered that are identical to any specific Coptic hymns  or chants, but there is a similarity of style (intervals, ambitus, rhythms), particularly in the simpler Coptic chanting. Baumstark, in discussing the Roman hymn of the Cross, “We adore Thy Cross” (Latin: Crucem tuam adoramus), opined that the original ideas and even certain expressions (which came into Roman usage via a Byzantine troparion) go back, as some papyrus fragments show, to extreme antiquity, and seem to derive from Christian Egypt. Also, two ancient formularies in the Roman rite have special kinship with Alexandrian usage; for the original combination of “Let us bend our knees” and “Arise” (Latin: Flectamus genua and Levate), ancient Egypt alone offers corresponding phrases, still used by the Copts during Lent (Greco-Coptic: anactwmen: klinwmen ta gonata, anastomen: kilnomen ta gonata).

After the Council of Chalcedon (451) to the Arab Conquest (642/643)

After the Council of Chalcedon, the Copts severed ties with the Byzantine and Roman churches, and purposely withdrew unto
themselves, vowing to keep their traditions uncontaminated. What exactly happened regarding music is unknown. However, there is
some indication that the Copts kept their music distinct and apart from Byzantine influence. Specific mention is made in the HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS of the people rejoicing when Patriarch ISAAC (686-689, see ISAAC, SAINT) had the liturgies restored in the churches of the Orthodox (Coptic) which had been prohibited due to Melchite (Byzantine) domination. Elsewhere in the same History there is a description of the monks going forth from their monastery, DAYR ANBA MAQAR, singing their traditional sacred songs to greet the patriarch, who had been exiled from Alexandria to this desert retreat. This work further states that long after the Arab conquest, during the reigns of Patriarchs Christodoulus (1046-1077, see JERUSALEM, COPTIC SEE OF), CYRIL II (1078-1092), and MICHAEL IV (1092-1102), the Copts worshiped separately from all other Christians and kept their own rituals.

Despite their self-imposed separation from Byzantium and Rome, the Copts continued to maintain contact with the Syrian church and its music. During the fifth and sixth centuries, there was a flourishing music school at the Syrian Monastery of Saint Sabas near the Dead Sea where Coptic monks came to study. Here, they were probably acquainted with the form known as kanon (Greek: kanw&n), which, in Coptic usage, became a hymn with strophes of five lines, distinguished by a refrain of two lines. A Coptic melody
type bears its name (Arabic: lahn qanun).

After the Arab Conquest (642/643)

When the Arabs entered Egypt, they brought a new religion and language, but this made no change in the Coptic rituals. Coptic still
remained in general use among the Christians even as late as the reign of Patriarch ZACHARIAS (1004-1032) and though the
Gospels and other church books had been put into Arabic under the rule of Patriarch PHILOTHEUS (979-1003), Cyril II continued to conduct the Divine Liturgy entirely in Coptic. Manuscripts dating from the seventh through the nineteenth centuries show that the texts of the ancient hymns—the Theotokia, Psalis, turuhat, and so on (See Description of the Corpus, above)—were kept in Greek, Greco- Coptic, and Coptic with little or no alteration. It seems logical to assume that the music also remained essentially intact. As has been indicated above, even after Arabic was introduced into parts of the rites for those who no longer understood Coptic, this did not seem to change the basic elements of the music (rhythms and melodic lines) (see Melody, Its Relation to Different Languages, above).

Coptic manuscripts, probably dating from the tenth or eleventh centuries (Rylands Library at Manchester; Insinger Collection, Leiden Museum of Antiquities) contain unusual signs as yet undeciphered. Some scholars have tentatively suggested that they may be a sort of ekphonetic notation (a system of symbols placed above the syllables in a text) that fell into disuse. At the MOUNT SINAI MONASTERY OF SAINT CATHERINE, many ancient manuscripts of hymn and psalm texts have been discovered. None is in Coptic, but there are several in Arabic, with the earliest dating from 977. A study of these Arabic manuscripts could be very useful,
for although Saint Catherine’s is Greek Orthodox, it has a complicated history connected to Egypt yet to be fully elucidated.

During the Middle Ages, three authors described the rites and musical practices of the church. The first, Ishaq al-Mu’taman Abu IBN AL-‘ASSAL (thirteenth century), devoted a chapter from his Kitab MAJMU‘ USUL AL-DIN (The Foundations of Religion) to a discussion about the growth of music in the church, citing Scripture and historical events (this chapter has been edited and translated by Georg GRAF as “Der kirchliche Gesang nach Abu Ishaq . . . ibn al- ‘Assal,” Vocal Church Music According to Abu Ishaq . . . ). The second, Yuhanna ibn Abi Zakariyya IBN SIBA‘ (late thirteenth century) detailed contemporary usages of liturgical music in his opus, Al-JAWHARAH AL-NAFISAH fi ‘Ulum al-Kanisah (The Precious Essence . . . , ed. and trans. Jean Périer as La Perle précieuse). The third author, Shams al-Ri’asah Abu al-Barakat IBN KABAR (early fourteenth century), penned MISBAH AL-ZULMAH fi Idah al-Khidmah (The Lamp of Darkness, ed. and trans. Louis VILLECOURT as La Lampe des ténèbres), in which he
listed and specified the use of the many melodies (Arabic: alhan, see Description of the Corpus and Present Musical Practice, above) known to the church in Egypt. Although he reported certain local variations in the order and choice of alhan, the names of the songs and practices he discussed are virtually the same today.

These three authors also outlined the Coptic schema of the oktoechos, which had been developing for many centuries in Egypt,
Syria, and Byzantium. A term of several meanings in the early church, oktoechos eventually came to refer to a group of eight
adaptable melody-types (echoi) used in the Byzantine church in a cycle of eight Sundays to correspond with an eight-week liturgical cycle. Their invention is attributed to Saint John Damascene (d. 754), but his contribution was probably one of organization since
they were already in existence long before his time. His classification of the echoi into four authentic (ku&rioi, kurioi, i.e., “lords”), to be paired with four plagal (pla~gov, plagos, “side,” or perhaps pla&c, plax, “flat and broad”), was likely based on some symbolic principle rather than any purely musical reason.

The expression oktoechos first appeared in the Plerophoria by John of Mayuma (c. 515) in an anecdote indicating that this word
referred both to a kind of prayerbook and to a collection of songs arranged from a musical standpoint. According to E. Werner, the
term may originally have derived from the Gnostic term Ogdoas, which, as the number eight, was identified with the creator and the
essence of music in an apocryphal hymn of Jesus that probably originated in Egypt or southern Palestine in the middle of the second
century. The philosophic ideas of the Ogdoas, the Gnostic magic vowels as they related to the tones of a cosmic octave, the four
essential elements (air, water, fire, and earth), and the four essential qualities (dry, humid, hot, and cold)—all indiscriminately mixed
with more or less biblical concepts, and arising in Egypt and southern Palestine during the second and early third centuries— further contributed to the formation of the oktoechos. The alchemist Zosimos of Panopolis (now Akhmim) (c. 300) is credited with a brief passage about echoi found in a treatise that basically concerns alchemy. However, the work is likely Byzantine, dating from the late eighth or early ninth century. Herein, Pseudo-Zosimos established a system of echoi based on six series of four elements (represented by the Greek symbols for the numbers 1 to 4) to produce twenty-four entities that were to serve as the foundation for
the composition of all the hymns and other religious melodies.

In the Byzantine and Syrian churches, the oktoechos was systematized only in the eleventh century. Two centuries later, Ibn al-‘Assal, following this lead, quoted the priest Ya‘qub al-Maridani, who stated that the sense of hearing has eight levels of feeling
(temperaments), and that therefore songs must be based on eight kinds of echoi (Arabic: alhan); these he then classified and
described. In the early fourteenth century, Abu al-Barakat embraced this same classification and described its usage in Egypt as follows: The first (prwtoc) the fifth (plan/royou, planerothou, or planprwtou, planprotou) echoi excite joy, and are used for pure
and glorious feasts; their temperament is hot and humid. The second (teuteroc, teuteros) and sixth (planteuteroc, planteuteros)
humble us, and are used for times of humility and humiliation like Holy Week; their temperament is cold and humid. The third (tritoc, tritos) and seventh (baric, baris, from Greek baru&v, barus, “heavy”) make us sad, and are therefore most frequently used for funerals and burials; their temperament is hot and dry. The fourth (tetartoc, tetartos) and eighth (plantetratou, plantetratou) encourage bravery, lift the heart, and are meant to encourage the listeners, not put fear into their souls; their temperament is cold and dry.

In all other descriptions of the Coptic alhan and their usage, Abu al-Barakat made no further reference to these eight echoi, nor are
they known or mentioned elsewhere in Coptic church music. Thus, whether the schema of the oktoechos was merely theoretical or
actually put into practice by Coptic musicians is an open question.

Regarding a possible Arabic influence on Coptic music over the years, it has been observed that there are some traces of similarity
between Coptic incantillation and Qur’an chanting. However, at this writing, it would be impossible to say who borrowed and who lent. The Arabs may have had some effect on the singing style of certain individuals, but for the traditional manner of singing transmitted by the cantors as a whole, it would be difficult to pinpoint anything as specifically Arabic. The ultimate provenance of the improvisational style heard in both Coptic and Arabic cantillation, as well as in other Middle Eastern musical systems, is unknown at present. This entire problem is yet awaiting much-needed comparative study.

In conclusion, some remarks about authors should be made. Although Coptic artists, composers, and writers have largely remained anonymous by tradition, the authors of a few hymns have been identified. Mention has been made of how some left their names in the Psalis (see Description of the Corpus, above). Other ascriptions have been noted in their historical context. In the currently used al-Absalmudiyyah al-Kiyahkiyyah (see Description of the Corpus, above), the following are some of the more prominent authors named as having contributed hymns to the collection, some more prolifically than others: for Psalis Mu‘allim Yu’annis (six Coptic paraphrases), Sarkis (nine Greek paraphrases), and Nicodemus (nine Coptic Psalis); for mada’ih and paraphrases in Arabic ‘Abd al-Masih al-Masu‘di from DAYR AL-MUHARRAQ, al-Baramudah of Bahnassa, and Fadl Allah al-Ibyari; and for hymns in Arabic with frequent Coptic terms and phrases interpolated, Patriarch MARK VIII (1796-1809), Mu‘allim Ghubriyal of Qay, Abu Sa‘d al-Abutiji, and Jirjis al-Shinrawi.

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARIAN ROBERTSON
MARTHA ROY

Cantors, Their Role and Musical Training

Because members of the clergy were not equally talented as singers, it became and has remained the tradition to entrust performance of the music to a professional cantor (Arabic: ‘arif, “one who knows,” or mu‘allim, “teacher”), who is employed and
trained by the church to be responsible for the correct delivery of the hymns and responses in all the services. He is usually blind, due to the popular belief dating from ancient times that the sensitivity of eyesight was transferred from the eyes of a blind person to his ears, and that such transference enhanced musical skills. He is expected to be at the church to perform and sing all the rites at their proper times and is thereby assured his living.

The cantor is not an ordained member of the clerical orders, but in times past, a prayer used to be said for him as the appointed
singer in the church. This prayer, entitled A Prayer Over One Who Shall Be Made a Singer (Coptic: oueu,e ejen ouai eunaaif mp'almodoc, oueukhe ejen ouai eunaaif (e)mpsalmodos), is as follows:

Master, Lord God, the Almighty, . . . This Thy servant, who stands before Thee and hath hastened to Thy Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church, do Thou illumine him for rendering sweetly Thy holy words, and give grace to him to chant unto Thee, with understanding, the spiritual hymns.

Little is known about the cantors prior to 1850. However, at that time, it became apparent that the music and texts had often been
rendered incorrectly by untrained and/or careless cantors. Patriarch CYRIL IV (1853-1861), concerned about this situation, made the training of cantors a matter of prime importance to the church. He felt that a specialist, trained and highly skilled in singing the rituals, could help solve the problem, for such a professional could then teach others and thus be responsible for the improvement of the music. With this in mind, the pope found a blind young man who was teaching in the school adjacent to the patriarchal Church of
Saint Mark, and perceiving him to be gifted with a good voice and keen ear, he appointed him to be teacher of melodies. Later, this
teacher was ordained a deacon, Abuna Takla by name.

As part of his task, Abuna Takla corrected the pronunciation of the language, demanding proper enunciation and delivery of the
hymns. In 1859, at the order of Pope Cyril IV, he published the first edition of the book The Services of the Deacon (see Description of the Corpus, above), with the help of Deacon IRYAN JIRJIS MUFTAH, teacher of Coptic in the Patriarchal College. Also at the
direction of the pope, Abuna Takla included therein four Greek hymns, which he translated into Coptic, and which are sung yet today for the feasts of the Nativity and Resurrection. They have kept their Greek melodies and are designated as Yunani (Greek). Further, Abuna Takla sang Coptic songs of his own composition in the homes of outstanding families, and because of a patriotic song that he composed and presented to the Khedive, he was granted the title of Bey.

Abuna Takla had seven students to whom he transmitted his knowledge and skills. Among these were two cantors, Abuna Murqus of Matay, and Mu��allim Armanyus.

In the generation following, one of their students was the blind cantor, Mu‘allim MIKHA’IL JIRJIS al-Batanuni, who was blessed with an excellent, very clear voice and a prodigious memory. As a youth, he was sent to visit churches in many towns of Egypt to learn and collect hymns. A faithful teacher at the Institute of Saint Didymus, he was the cantor chosen by Ragheb Moftah to sing to the
English musicologist, Ernest Newlandsmith, who, from 1928 to 1936, notated the complete Liturgy of Saint Basil and many hymns
reserved for Advent and Lent (see Transcriptions in Western Notation, below). Thereby, Mu‘allim Mikha’il became the means
through which many of the great treasures of Coptic hymnology have been preserved in writing. He died in 1957, over seventy-five
years old.

Cantors and deacons of today who were taught by Mu‘allim Mikha’il include Mu‘allim Tawfiq Yussuf of the Monastery DAYR AL-MUHARRAQ, Mu‘allim Sadiq Attallah, Dr. Yussuf Mansur, and many others in the churches of Cairo and the provinces. These men are acknowledged today as the experts for the liturgical services and correct rendering of hymns. They have also assisted in the recordings of the liturgies and offices now being made by Ragheb Moftah.

In 1893, at Mahmashah, Cairo, Patriarch CYRIL V (1874-1927) opened the Theological Seminary, of which one branch was the Saint Didymus Institute for the Blind. It was only natural for the blind cantors to come here for their training. This institute is now located in Shubra, under the direction of Mu‘allim Faraj.

Today, the HIGHER INSTITUTE OF COPTIC STUDIES has a music department where the music of the church rites is also taught.
Ragheb Moftah has headed this department since its beginning in 1954 and has been responsible for the training of those wishing to
master the myriad hymns and melodies necessary to Coptic ritual. Mr. Moftah has also been in charge of the teaching of the hymns and responses to the students in the Coptic Clerical College adjacent to the Institute. These latter students are not cantors, but rather will become priests. Each summer, Mr. Moftah takes a group of talented pupils to summer camp in Alexandria for additional training. Here, they review what they have been taught, correct their intoning and language, and study new repertoire. In all this work, Mr. Moftah is assisted by priests having good ears and strong voices. All instruction is done by rote, with the students repeating the melodies until they become note perfect. Thereby, music, which perhaps was in danger of being lost and forgotten, is now being preserved for a new generation.

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARTHA ROY

Musical Instruments

When Christianity was established in Egypt, many musical instruments of diverse forms and origins were known. However, they were, in the main, frowned upon by the church and the early fathers wrote strict injunctions forbidding their use. Clement of Alexandria (c. 150-220) inveighed against playing the psaltery, the trumpet, the timbrel or tympanon, and the pipe. However, he seems to have tolerated the lyra and kithara, because of King David’s alleged use of them. Origen (c. 185-254) attributed definite spiritual qualities to the sound of certain instruments, with the trumpet representing the power of God’s word, the tympanon depicting the destruction of lust, and the cymbals expressing the eager soul enamored of Christ. Saint ATHANASIUS I (326-373) also gave
instruments symbolic meanings (Reese, pp. 61-62). For his part, Saint CYRIL I (412-444), characterized a psalm as “a musical
utterance for which the instrument is played rhythmically according to harmonic notes” (Werner, 1959, p. 318), thereby recalling the
Greek definition of this ancient form as a song sung to the accompaniment of a harp, or kithara, or lyra.

Three Arabic manuscripts from Saint Catherine’s Monastery (no. 30, 977; no. 21, eleventh century; no. 22, twelfth century) quote
hymn and Psalm texts that name many different instruments suitable for praising the Lord: cymbals (sanj), small drum (daff), two
different chordophones, whose sound is produced by a vibrating string, either bowed or plucked (awtar and ma‘azif), drums (tubul),
and rattles (salasil), all of which indicate the variety of instruments known at this time (Atiya, 1970, pp. 77, 21 and 25).

Today, two percussion instruments are used in the rites of many of the Coptic churches: the small hand cymbals (Arabic: sanj, or
colloquially sajjat), and the metal triangle (Arabic: muthallath, or colloquially turianta), each played by one of the deacons and/or the
cantor. Providing a rhythmic accompaniment to specified hymns and responses sung by the choir and/or congregation, they signal the congregation to participate and unify the singing.

The hand cymbals are mentioned in both the Old and New Testaments (Ps. 150; I Cor. 13:1), which might be considered as a sanction for their use in the Coptic services. They were probably brought into Egypt from the Near East, but when they were
introduced into the church is as yet unknown. They are a pair of slightly concave metal disks (usually silver) about 7 inches (18 cm)
in diameter, with a cupped center 1¼ inch (3 cm) in depth. A hole in the center of each disk permits the passage of a string held in place by a wooden pin that acts as a handle for manipulating the cymbals. Throughout the hymn which they accompany, two movements of the cymbals characterize the beat: a diagonal sliding of the two disks against each other, and a circular motion of the two rims alternately against each other. Both movements produce a varied depth in tone. A trill of the rims with a final clap completes the rendition of the hymn.

The Arabic word daff is a controversial term popularly used by some Copts to refer either to the cymbals or sometimes to the triangle, but this is a misnomer since the daff is a membranophone constructed of a circular wooden frame over one side of which a fish or goat skin is stretched taut; such instruments are considered unsuitable for use in church services.

The Arabic word naqus (pl. nawaqis) is the only term mentioned in the rubrics of the liturgical books (notably the Khidmat al- Shammas; see Description of the Corpus, and Melody, Its Relation to Different Languages, above) to indicate the need for instrumental accompaniment. An ancient kind of bell, sounded by striking the outside with a rod, it gradually disappeared over the centuries from Coptic ceremonies and is not generally known today. It came into the early church perhaps via Alexandria, where it replaced the small wooden clappers used in antiquity as an instrument to signal the beginning of worship services. Writing in the fourteenth century, Abu al-Barakat (see Description of the Corpus, and History, above) referred to the naqus in his description of the rite of consecration of the altar in the church: “The bishop proceeds around the altar and beats the naqus three times, after which the ministers holding many nawaqis strike them.��� However, the exact form of the naqus mentioned by Abu al-Barakat is a matter of conjecture, for it is not known when the bell fell into disuse among the Copts (see the discussion of the bell below). In the seventeenth century, J. Vansleb did note that small bells and ebony bars were used in Coptic services.

The metal triangle is suspended by a string held in the left hand, and is struck on two or three of its sides by a small metal rod held in
the right hand. It is never mentioned in the rubrics, either in Coptic or Arabic, but when accompaniment by the naqus is specified, the
triangle automatically joins in. Its light tinkling beats might be described as resembling the light jangling of the ancient sistrum (see
below).

When the hand cymbals and triangle are played simultaneously, intricate rhythmic patterns emerge, and as these instruments
accompany the varied meters of the vocal music, a complex and quite distinct polyrhythm is produced.

Although the liturgical books definitely specify the occasions, hymns, and responses requiring instrumental accompaniment, the
use of instruments is somewhat haphazard, for those playing instruments do not always follow directions and often play when no
instruments are called for in the rubrics.

Among the hymns rubricated for instruments are, in the Morning Offering of Incense, “We worship the Father . . .” (Coptic: tenouwst mviwt . . . , tenouosht (e)m(e)phiot . . . ), and “O Come, let us worship . . .” (Coptic: amwini marenouwst . . . amoini marenouosht); in the Divine Liturgy the Hymn of the Aspasmos (variable); in the Evening Offering of Incense, the people’s response to the Kyrie; on Good Friday, the Kyrie of the Sixth and Twelfth Hours; in the Tasbihah of the Saturday of Joy, the Psali of Hos One; during the feast of the Resurrection, the ,ere (shere . . .), after the Psali of Hos One; and the quatrains of the Tasbihah, when it is performed.

Many instruments known in pharaonic Egypt also existed among the Copts. The following information about them is based mainly on
research published by Hans Hickmann.

Idiophones
1. Clapper. A kind of castanet, the clapper consists of two small boards that strike against a third, central board which also forms the
handle. Although nothing can be affirmed as to its use in the early church, many clappers dating from the third to sixth centuries have
been conserved. These have been found at Saqqara (DAYR APA JEREMIAH), the Fayyum, and elsewhere in Egypt.

2. Castanet. Made of concave shells of ivory or hard wood which are struck one against the other, the castanet existed in ancient Egypt, but it probably took its definitive form only in the second century A.D. In the Coptic Museum in Old Cairo there are a number of them dating from the Coptic era, found at Akhmim and Elephantine. It is thought that they descended from the hand-shaped
clappers of pharaonic times.

3. Crotalum. Composed of two small cymbals attached to the ends of a sort of elastic fork that strike against each other when the
fork is shaken, the crotalum was invented by Egyptian musicians of the Lower Epoch. Examples dating from the Coptic Epoch have
been found at Thebes.

4. Sistrum. Consisting of bars fitted loosely into a metal frame that rattle when the handle is shaken, the sistrum was the instrument
sacred to Hathor and other goddesses such as Isis and Bastet. From Egypt it spread to Greece, Rome, and wherever else the cults of these Egyptian goddesses penetrated. In Western Europe, Isidor of Seville (560-636) mentioned its use (Sententiae de musica), as did Pseudo-Odo (Odo of Cluny, 879-942). According to Hickmann, the sistrum was also used by the Copts for many centuries.

5. Bell. Not found in Egypt until the Late Kingdom, most of the bells recovered from ancient times stem from the third to sixth centuries A.D. Ancient Coptic bells, which may be decorated with the sign of the cross, have been found mostly in the Fayyum or other centers of early Coptic life. Hickmann felt that the use of Coptic bells might be the origin for the sounding of bells during the Roman
Catholic mass, and that these instruments appeared in Rome following the cult of Saint Antony.

Aerophones
1. Flute. The long flute, which is held vertically when played, is the most ancient wind instrument of Egypt, having existed in prehistoric times. Examples made of bone dating from the third to sixth centuries A.D. have been found at Saqqara (near Dayr Apa
Jeremiah). Known in Arabic as the nay, its descendent is still heard today in Egyptian folk music.

2. Clarinet. Like the flute, the Egyptian clarinet descends from very ancient times. The double clarinet, which has two pipes linked
together, dates from the Fifth Dynasty. Similar instruments dating from the Coptic era have been found at Saqqara (near Dayr Apa
Jeremiah). These are the prototype for the modern Egyptian zummarah.

3. Hydraulis. According to Athenaius, the hydraulis (water organ) was invented by Ctesibus of Alexandria, surnamed “the Egyptian” (c. 246 B.C.). It was described first by Philo of Alexandria (second century B.C.), and later, in more detail, by Hero of Alexandria (c. 150 A.D.) and Vitruvius. A favorite instrument at gladiatorial shows, it became very popular with the Romans. Although the organ later became the main instrument for the rites of the Latin church, it has never been accepted in the Coptic church.

Chordophones

1. Harp. The harp is probably of Egyptian origin, and during its long history, it has assumed many forms which have been amply
described elsewhere. The Copts did not use the harp in sacred services, but it might have been popular among the people. O’Curry
maintained that the Egyptian harp may have served as the prototype for the Irish harp (see History, above), which spread from Ireland into Italy.

2. Lute. A lute found at Dayr Apa Jeremiah, dating probably from the seventh or eighth century, is important because it represents a transition from the long lutes of antiquity (both Egyptian and Asiatic) and the short lutes of Arabic, Iranian, and Indian Origin (Arabic: al-‘ud). Described by many scholars, it is characterized by two crescent-shaped notches, that is, it is doublement échancré. There are examples in the Coptic Museum in Old Cairo and in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Hickmann suggested that it might be the forerunner of the guitar, especially the guitarro morisco. Further, he felt that such lutes indicate the role Egypt played in musical history between antiquity and the Middle Ages, a role not confined to the development of the liturgy, but also important in the history of musical instruments (See METALWORKS; WOOD).

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARIAN ROBERTSON
MARTHA ROY

Musicologists

Borsai, Ilona (1925-1982)

After graduating from the University of Kolozsvar, in her native city of Cluj, Rumania, qualified to teach Greek and French languages, Ilona Borsai attended the Academy of Music in Budapest, Hungary, where she received the Diploma of Music Education. Completing further studies in the field of musicology under Bence Szalolcsi, she began to work in research in folk music under the direction of Zoltán Kodály at the Academy of Science. Having retired in 1978, she died in Budapest on July 8, 1982.

Her research led into musicological studies of Egyptian music, pharaonic, folk, and Coptic. During three visits to Egypt, she made
many recordings of folk and Coptic music in 1967-1968 to collect recordings for transcriptions and analyses, in 1969 to attend the
Second Conference of Arab Music where she presented a paper, and in 1970 to follow up on the studies and recordings of Coptic music. As a result of these visits she produced a number of transcriptions in collaboration with Margit Tóth and publications describing the results of her research (see bibliography).

She was member of the Coptic Archeological Society, the Hungarian Ethnolographical Society, the Association of Hungarian
Musicians, the Hungarian Society of Studies of Antiquities, the International Association of Hungarian Studies, the Hungarian Kodály Society, and the International Association of Coptic Studies.

Her pioneering research into the details of the historical, analytical, and liturgical significance of Coptic music opened the field of Coptic musicology and defined its direction. Her contribution has had an impact not only on Coptic studies but also on all research concerning music whose historical roots have been transmitted through the centuries by oral tradition.

MARTHA ROY

Hickmann, Hans (1908-1968)

Hickmann, a German musicologist, was known primarily as an authority on the musical instruments of ancient Egypt. He devoted much study to the music of the Coptic church, which he felt was a living link between the past and the present (for more details of his
research into the Coptic musical tradition, see Oral Tradition, History, and Musical Instruments, above, and Transcriptions in
Western Notation, below).

Born 19 May, 1908, in Rosslau bei Dessau, Germany, he received his early education in Halle and continued his studies in musicology at the University of Berlin under the direction of some of the most distinguished scholars of the time, including Erich M.
von Hornbostel and Curt Sachs. After his graduation in 1934, he studied at the Staatliche Akademie für Kirchen- und Schulmusik
(Berlin-Charlottenberg) and the Berliner Hochschule fur Musik. His interest in Eastern music was first aroused by a field trip to the Siwa Oasis (1932-1933), sponsored by the Berliner Phonogrammarchiv. In 1933, he settled in Cairo, and from here he conducted extensive investigations into the music of Egypt for more than two decades.

From 1949 to 1952, he lectured in many countries of Western Europe. In 1957 he left Egypt because of political conditions and
returned to Germany to head the department of Ethnomusicology at the University of Hamburg (see Transcriptions in Western Notation, below). In 1958, as the new director of the Musikhistorisches Studio (Archiv-Produktion) of the Deutsche Grammophon Gesellschaft in Hamburg, he produced many recordings of ancient music, all of great scholarship and authenticity. He died 4 September 1968, in Blandford Forum, Dorset, England.

His published works cover more than three decades (1934-1968, plus articles published posthumously). A comprehensive bibliography, comprising some 198 entries, is listed in the Journal of the Society of Ethnomusicology, vol. IX, no. 1 (January 1965), pp. 45-53, and vol. XII, no. 2 (May 1969), pp. 317-19.

MARIAN ROBERTSON

Newlandsmith, Ernest (1875-? [after 1936])

British violinist, composer, and writer, best known for his extensive transcriptions of Coptic liturgical music.

The son of a clergyman, he was born 10 April, 1875. Having shown a talent for music, he entered the Royal Academy of Music in
1893, from which he graduated with distinction in 1899, earning the A.R.A.M. (Associate of Royal Academy of Music). Disillusioned as a music teacher and concert violinist, he turned his back on music as a profession (1908) and became a “pilgrim” or “minstrel friar.” Henceforth, he traveled through the countryside presenting musical religious services and living by the generosity of others.

In 1926 he undertook a musical pilgrimage to the Holy Land. En route, he stopped at Cairo where he met Ragheb Moftah (see Cantors, above), who arranged for him to compile a book of liturgical music of the ancient Coptic church. Newlandsmith
continued his journey to the Holy Land (Mount Carmel), but soon returned to Cairo. Here, as the guest of Mr. Moftah, he lived in a
houseboat on the Nile, notating the music as chanters—among them the great master chanter Mu‘allim MIKHA’IL JIRJIS (see Cantors, above)—sang their time-honored melodies hour after hour, day after day (1926-1931). He also spent some time at Abu al-Shuquq working with Mr. Moftah on the transcriptions (1929).

The complete project lasted about ten years (1926-1936), and during this time, Newlandsmith transcribed some sixteen folio volumes of music, including the Liturgy of Saint Basil (vol. 1), numerous other special songs for the various feasts and fasts, and special songs reserved for high church officials.

Impressed by the dignity and beauty of this music, Newlandsmith used certain melodies in his own violin compositions, and upon return trips to England (1928, 1931), he played these works as part of his music services. He also gave enthusiastic lectures about the antiquity of the Coptic musical tradition.

During his life Newlandsmith founded various musical-religious societies, the most significant being “The New Life Movement.” A
prolific writer, he penned several pamphlets and books wherein he expounded his ideas about music.

A bibliography of his early musical compositions is listed in the Universal Handbuch der Musikliteratur aller Zeiten und Völker (Vienna, n. d.), vol. 1, Pt. 1, p. 124. He based his later works on Coptic melodies, of which two, dating from 1929, remain significant: his Oriental Suite for violin and piano, and the Carmelite Rhapsody for solo violin.

MARIAN ROBERTSON

Transcriptions in Western Notation

Although there may be some evidences of a notation system using dots and a primitive ekphonetic notation for Coptic music, the Copts have preserved their music over the centuries essentially by means of an oral tradition (see Oral Tradition, above). Only in the nineteenth century did scholars begin to transcribe Coptic melodies using the notation system established for Western music. Guillaume Andre Villoteau, a French scholar who was part of Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt, was the first to attempt such a transcription when he devoted some five pages of his Description de l’Egypte (1809) to an Alleluia from the Divine Liturgy. Later, near the end of the nineteenth century, other transcriptions were made by Jules Blin (Chants liturgiques coptes, 1888) and Louis Badet (Chants liturgiques des Coptes, 1899). Whereas Blin’s transcriptions are unreliable, those of Badet are fairly accurate as to the general scheme of the melodies.

In the twentieth century, Kamil Ibrahim Ghubriyal published a small volume of transcriptions of hymns and responsoria, Al- Tawqi‘at al-Musiqiyyah li-Maraddat al-Kanisah al-Murqusiyyah (1916). Unlike previous transcribers, Ghubriyal, a lieutenant in the Egyptian army, was a Copt, and deeply steeped in the musical tradition of his church. He designed his transcriptions for Coptic youth, and in an effort to make them more attractive to his audience, he adapted them for piano, adding a rhythmic accompaniment (no harmony, notes at the octave only) and making certain changes in the pitch and rhythm of the vocal melodies. Notwithstanding such obvious alterations, the basic melodic line was kept intact, and Ghubriyal is to be recognized for his pioneering efforts as a Copt seeking to notate the music of his people.

Nearly one generation later, one of the most ambitious efforts in this regard was undertaken by the English musicologist Ernest
Newlandsmith (see Musicologists, above), who came to Egypt at the invitation and sponsorship of Ragheb Moftah for the express
purpose of transcribing the music of the Coptic services. From 1926 to 1936 he compiled, from listening to the best Coptic cantors, some sixteen folio volumes of music, which include the entire Liturgy of Saint Basil, and other important hymns, responsoria, and so on, reserved for special feasts (vol. 1 alone comprises more than 100 pages). Because he felt that the abundant ornamentation in Coptic music was primarily “Arabic debris,” Newlandsmith tended to ignore most of the embellishments. Thus, his transcriptions depict simple melodic lines, adapted to the rhythms and key signatures of the West. Nevertheless, for that part of Coptic music which is devoid of embellishment, these transcriptions compare favorably with the work of recent scholars, and his vast corpus of notation offers much material for comparative study and analysis.

All the foregoing transcribers, not having the advantage of recording equipment, had no way to compare what they heard with what they had notated. Hence, many intricacies of rhythm and intonation were neither perceived nor indicated accurately. Fortunately, when, in the 1950s, interested musicologists began to work with tapes, they were able to produce transcriptions of much greater detail and accuracy. Among these scholars were Hans Hickmann and René Ménard, who, working both separately and together, transcribed a few short pieces. Ménard, by slowing the tape, was able to hear, and thus notate the embellishments with more exactitude than had been possible before. In so doing, he observed that the Western notation system cannot really indicate all the
nuances of rhythm and expression inherent in Coptic music, and suggested that certain ancient signs used in notating Gregorian chant might be useful.

Following directives of Hickmann, scholars in the Ethnomusicology Laboratory at the University of Hamburg, employing the most modern acoustical equipment which allowed them to record the exact oscillations of the sound waves, notated the complicated variances of intonation in Coptic music to the nearest quarter-tone.

In 1967, Ilona Borsai (See Musicologists, above) went to Egypt to collect materials for study and analysis. During her short span of
ethnomusicological studies, she was able to publish some seventeen articles containing transcriptions and observations on facets of
Coptic music never before touched upon.

In 1969, Margit Tóth, also of Hungary, came to Cairo to study Coptic music. Working with Ragheb Moftah and the recordings he
had made, she, like Newlandsmith, notated the entire Liturgy of Saint Basil. By using the new methods for recording and playback,
she has completed transcriptions of enormous detail, wherein not only the audible embellishments are transcribed, but also auxiliary
tones discernable only at a slow tempo. This project will enable scholars to make many comparative studies and analyses.

In the late 1970s, Marian Robertson, of the United States, also working with tapes, began transcribing excerpts from the Liturgy of
Saint Basil and Holy Week services. Having specialized thus far in music sung by the choir, in which the embellishments are somewhat blurred by the individuality of each singer, Robertson has not transcribed the ornamentation with the same detail as Tóth.
Explanations in accompanying texts serve to describe the phenomenon produced by the varying vibratos and embellishments of the performers.

In 1976, Nabil Kamal Butros, violin teacher in the Faculty of Music Education at Helwan University and a member of the Arabic
Classical Music Ensemble, completed a master’s thesis, “Coptic Music and Its Relation to Pharaonic Music,” in which he made a
comparative transcription and analysis of one hymn as sung by several different choirs.

Although Western notation was not designed for transcribing Coptic music, it may be the form in which this ancient music from the Near East will at last be written. By comparing the various transcriptions of dedicated scholars, one may at least glimpse the complexity and variety of the Coptic musical tradition.

RAGHEB MOFTAH
MARIAN ROBERTSON
MARTHA ROY

Nonliturgical Music

In recent years, strictly nonliturgical songs have been developed for use in the Sunday schools. They bear the general title alhan, but thirteen, composed especially in honor of the Virgin Mary, are designated taranim (sing. tarnimah). Both the alhan and taranim
have texts of praise and worship, strophic in form. Sung antiphonally or in unison by both men and women, they are monophonic. Quite distinct in style from both Arabic chanting of the Qur’an and Coptic liturgical melody, they betray much Western influence, for example, the singing is always accompanied by the violin, piano, and/or organ; this instrumental accompaniment has rudimentary harmony; and some songs borrow phrases from well-known Western melodies such as Handel’s “Joy to the World” and Mendelssohn’s “Hark! The Herald Angels Sing.” They may be described as light-hearted, charming, and attractive to youth. However, Coptic purists decry their existence and maintain that they have neither the dignity nor the spirituality of the ancient liturgical tradition.

MARIAN ROBERTSON